Targeting Giuliani, Biden’s Prosecutors Reverse the Real Corruption Narrative

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by John D. O’Connor

The following is an article originally published on BizPac Review. Read it HERE.

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The claim that President Trump’s lawyer Rudy Giuliani was representing Ukraine as an unregistered agent seems odd, confusing and inexplicable.  It is indeed odd and confusing, but with patient unpacking, clearly explicable.  In short, this is just the latest in a series of preemptive Democratic assaults designed to divert attention from appalling Biden corruption in Ukraine. 

If this analysis seems excessively cynical, consider the continuing pattern since 2016 of similar denial and projection of corruption.

In January 2016, at the urging of Ambassador Geoffrey Pyatt, Ukraine Prosecutor Viktor Shokin began pursuing the corrupt Mykola Zlochevsky, a Hunter Biden client, raiding his residence in early February of that year.  Soon ensued unusually intense Hunter Biden lobbying, and Vice President Joe Biden, as he later boasted, had Shokin fired.  The stated reason?  Absurdly, the Biden forces claimed that Shokin was corrupt. 

Meanwhile, Hunter Biden client Igor Kolomoisky was plundering with impunity $5.6 billion in American-backed foreign aid through his PrivatBank, without a peep from our Vice President.  Quietly, cases against Burisma (owned by Zlochevsky and Kolomoisky) were taken from Shokin’s former office and transferred to National Anti-corruption Bureau (“NABU”), monitored and guided by James Comey’s FBI under formal Memorandum of Understanding (MOU).  Three big cases against Burisma were inexpensively and quietly settled by NABU, at the same time Comey was ramping up his spying on Trump.

Immediately before this, Hillary Clinton had become understandably concerned that the country would figure out that, for at least $145 million, and perhaps as much as $450 million, in donations to the Clinton Foundation, Clinton’s State Department had allowed Vladimir Putin and  his energy company Rosatom to control the American uranium market, as well as the supply of nuclear fuel to American nuclear utilities, upon which several American states depend on for heating and electricity.  So together with a highly flexible FBI leadership and a compliant media, she turned the corruption tables on candidate and then President Trump by claiming that he had made a corrupt bargain with Putin. The credulous lapdog media, needless to say, lapped this up, wasting four years of civic energy and attention, successfully drawing scrutiny away from a corrupt Clinton.  The Clinton forces had supported the tendentious “Russian collusion” charges using Steele Dossier sources Igor Danchenko, Sergei Millian, Vyacheslav Trubnikov, and Vladisilav Surkov, while Putin’s crony, oligarch Oleg Deripaska, assisted the FBI and DOJ. All of them were Russian intelligence or Kremlin sources.

As Trump was being elected, but before he took office, Obama-Biden partisan Marie Yovanovitch, a George Soros crony, was installed as the United States Ambassador to Ukraine.  She helped to strangle the office of Shokin’s successor, the honest Yuriy Lutsenko, by allowing diversion of $4.4 of American foreign aid, earmarked for Lutsenko’s office, to go to AntAc, a private “anti-corruption” entity controlled by one George Soros. She forbade Lutsenko from prosecuting any AntAc personnel, infuriating Lutsenko.  Lutsenko tried in vain to speak with the State Department and Acting Attorney General Rod Rosenstein, finally, frustrated, reaching out to Rudy Giuliani, hoping to get President Trump’s ear.  Alarmed, Giuliani tried to meet with Ukraine’s President-elect Volodymyr Zelensky before Zelensky took office, when protocol would forbid such a meeting.  Trump himself was upset that during the 2016 election, Clinton loyalist Alexandra Chalupa had colluded with the Ukrainian Embassy to create a false media story of a “black ledger” implicating Trump campaign chairman Paul Manafort, a narrative assisted by Comey’s FBI.  To be sure, Manafort had been paid handsomely by Ukraine, and presumably evaded taxes, but the “black ledger story” was made out of whole cloth, forcing Manafort to resign.

One obvious reason that Zelensky was reluctant to discuss anti-corruption with Giuliani was that Zelensky’s main backer, perhaps his controlling sponsor, was none other than corrupt Biden client Igor Kolomoisky, now re-entering the country after fleeing during Lutsenko’s tenure.

Ukraine was to receive new United States aid for weapons, but only after being determined non-corrupt, a certification awarded to the former regime of President Petro Poroshenko.  So after the specter of Biden-centric corruption had been raised by the honest Lutsenko, Trump pushed Zelensky to investigate past corruption.

Immediately, embedded Obama partisans Eric Ciarmella and Alexander Vindman conspired to bring a “whistleblower” complaint against the president, leading to his impeachment, and again reversing the corruption story through the partisan media.     

Recently, the Hunter Biden laptop surfaced, giving the lie to the continued, albeit incredible, protestations of Joe Biden that he never discussed Hunter’s business. Hunter Biden, it was shown, organized at least one meeting between his father and an executive of the corrupt Burisma.  A laptop email also suggested that half of Hunter’s fees went to his father.  Biden associate Tony Bobulinski claimed that Joe Biden was actively involved with Hunter’s influence-peddling at least by the beginning of 2017. 

With the above evidence potentially exploding publicly, notwithstanding media suppression, the Giuliani prosecution shows that, once again, Biden family corruption will be denied and projected onto a Trump loyalist, accompanied by the cheerleading of an intellectually corrupt media.

Giuliani’s supposed “FARA” crime? Urging Trump to fire the weaving Soros spider Yovanovitch, on the absurd theory that a Ukrainian official supported it.  Always eager to help, honestly or otherwise, the major media have reported, falsely, that the FBI had briefed Giuliani that he was receiving Russian disinformation. We are not making this up. 

So, this odd tale all makes sense.  Perverse sense, we might add, but sense nonetheless. Corruption, we can rest assured, aided by a partisan media, is indeed alive and well.

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John D. O’Connor is a former federal prosecutor and the San Francisco attorney who represented W. Mark Felt during his revelation as Deep Throat in 2005. O’Connor is the author of the book, Postgate: How the Washington Post Betrayed Deep Throat, Covered Up Watergate, and Began Today’s Partisan Advocacy Journalism.

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